Celebramos nuestro aniversario pensando el futuro

Este mes de noviembre CNE celebra sus 18 años. A través del tiempo hemos sido una voz sobria, balaceada y empírica en momentos de polarización e incertidumbre. Hablamos con rigor académico, independencia de criterio, y fuera de líneas político-partidistas. Ahora, hemos aceptado el reto que nos presentan los tiempos y nos lanzamos en una iniciativa de gran envergadura: la creación del CNE Growth Commission, un proyecto que busca impulsar una nueva conversación sobre cómo restablecer el desarrollo económico de largo plazo en Puerto Rico. Este mes, al celebrar nuestro aniversario, queremos recordar los hitos con los que hemos marcado camino, y reafirmar nuestra intención de seguir generando propuestas que provoquen una discusión pública robusta, y que ayuden a impulsar una nueva etapa de crecimiento económico sostenido para Puerto Rico.


Memo from a Working Group of the CNE Growth Commission to the Congressional Task Force on Economic Growth in Puerto Rico

Devising economic development opportunities should be one of the most pressing goals for both U.S. and local policy makers. In the following memo, a Working Group of the CNE Growth Commission charts a preliminary vision for addressing the deeper, structural constraints to economic advancement and for spurring economic growth.

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Plan Fiscal


Plan Fiscal

Por: Sergio M. Marxuach
Director de Política Pública
Centro para una Nueva Economía

La sección 201 de la “Puerto Rico Oversight, Management and Economic Stability Act” requiere que el gobierno de Puerto Rico prepare y presente a la Junta de Control Fiscal un plan fiscal a cinco años (como mínimo), para el gobierno central y cualquiera otra agencia o instrumentalidad gubernamental cubierta por dicha ley.

Entre otras cosas, la sección 201(b)(1) exige que el plan fiscal: (1) asegure el financiamiento de los servicios públicos esenciales; (2) provea fondos adecuados a los sistemas de pensiones públicos; (3) provea para la eliminación de los déficits estructurales; (4) provea para un servicio sustentable de la deuda durante aquellos años que no este en efecto la suspensión de litigios bajo los títulos III o VI de la ley; (5) incluya un análisis de la sustentabilidad de la deuda; (6) provea para las inversiones y gastos de capital necesarios para promover el crecimiento económico; (7) adopte las recomendaciones “apropiadas” sometidas por la Junta al gobierno de Puerto Rico de acuerdo con la sección 205(a); y (8) respete las prioridades legales o los gravámenes legales, según sea el caso, en vigor con anterioridad a la aprobación de la ley. READ MORE

Testimonio ante el Comité de Energía y Recursos Naturales del Senado de EEUU

A continuación el testimonio de Sergio Marxuach ante el Comité de Energía y Recursos Naturales del Senado de los Estados Unidos en su audiencia del jueves, 22 de octubre de 2015. La misma abordó el tema de la economía y la deuda de Puerto Rico y las opciones del Congreso al respecto.

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Testimony before the US Senate Energy & Natural Resources Committee

What follows is Sergio Marxuach’s testimony before the United States’ Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee on Thursday, October 22nd, 2015. The Committee hearing addressed Puerto Rico’s economy, debt and options for Congress.

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Testimonio ante el Comité de Finanzas del Senado de EEUU

A continuación el testimonio de Sergio Marxuach ante el Comité de Finanzas del Senado de los Estados Unidos en su audiencia del martes, 29 de septiembre de 2015 la cual abordó el tema de retos fiscales y económicos de Puerto Rico.

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Testimony before the US Senate Finance Committee

What follows is Sergio Marxuach’s testimony before the United States’ Senate Finance Committee on Tuesday, September 29th, 2015. The Committee hearing addressed: “Financial and Economic Challenges in Puerto Rico”.

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Commentary: Puerto Rico’s Billionaires Strategy

By Orlando Sotomayor
6 May 2014
The Bond Buyer
Vol.123, No.86
(c) 2014 The Bond Buyer and SourceMedia, Inc. All rights reserved.

Recently relocated millionaires are a happy lot in Puerto Rico. Their lifestyle was a selling point in an April investors’ summit dedicated to luring financial sector firms and wealthy individuals to the island in exchange for exemption from United States taxes and a light local touch.

It’s not hard to empathize with their optimism. If Puerto Ricans faced a 4% top marginal tax rate, they would surely be quite happy. They would feel optimistic if they could afford to send their children to one of a handful of excellent preparatory schools that are testament to what financial resources, parental involvement, clear goals and accountability can achieve.

They would be on their way to becoming billionaires or at least millionaires if they could buy assets at a fraction of the cost taxpayers paid to remodel them. They would be over the moon if invited to a private function by one of the world’s great opera singers.

But life at the bottom 99.9% is another story. A middle class self-employed Puerto Rican faces a top tax rate of 48% when both local and Social Security taxes are taken into account. Corporations face even higher taxes, with Walmart declaring an average tax rate of over 70% and other businesses paying even more.

The average Puerto Rican household would need to devote half of gross income to send a single child to a top preparatory school. It would most certainly not be able to walk a child to school through the streets of El Condado, as suggested in a testimonial during the investors summit.

Rather, parents would have to wake up at five or six in the morning in order to beat gridlock traffic and get the student to a mediocre school in time for homeroom.

Local business owners would get few tax breaks and survive in spite of a government that provides few services but demands much in return.

Like it or not, getting wealthy individuals to move to the island in order to avoid U.S. taxes appears now to be a cornerstone of Puerto Rico‘s growth drive and is characteristic of the country’s eternal search for a quick and painless way to grow. Contrary to most other initiatives — many gathered through an Internet suggestion box — this one is in fact based on sound economics.

Although it does nothing to abate the outflow of talented Puerto Ricans, it builds productive capacity by attracting in-migration of stateside residents. Even better, the strategy does not cost the commonwealth one single penny since it is entirely financed by the U.S. Treasury through foregone taxes.

It is then similar in effect to a law enacted in 2011 charging a tax that manufacturing sector firms can deduct from their U.S. liabilities. Puerto Rican officials have become quite adept at diverting income from the U.S. Treasury to the Puerto Rican Treasury.

Even more interesting is the strategy’s distributive dimension. Every time a billionaire moves to Puerto Rico, inequality in the U.S. goes down while the opposite happens in the commonwealth, with consequences that are still far from well understood.

In a democracy each man and woman may be entitled to a single voice and vote, but some voices are louder than others. Some pointed out in the recent investors’ summit that statistics do not reflect their view of the performance of the island’s economy. Furthermore, they have suggested that indexes be changed to reflect such views.

Yet, official statistics paint a consistently bleak picture of the Puerto Rican economy. Yes, unemployment has fallen for three consecutive months, but so has employment. According to the same household survey, it is down 20% from a peak in 2006 and has declined every month without exception since mid-2012.

Sales tax collections are often offered as signs of economic recovery, but they are rarely corrected for inflation and do not account for expansions of their tax base. Likewise, overall tax-intake announcements do not come with warnings of one-time tax events and sharp hikes in corporate rates that are not sustainable over the long or medium term.

Most striking is the statistic that concerns the number of Puerto Ricans who have voted with their feet and chosen to move to the U.S. mainland in search of a better life. Just in the past three years, the equivalent of 4% of the population has opted for that way out. Middle class Puerto Ricans go north while U.S. millionaires and billionaires take their jets south.

The United States government does a disservice to the Puerto Rican people when it turns a blind eye to the back-door bailout it provides through the billionaire and manufacturing tax loopholes — the latter already accounting for over 20% of public revenues. It allows the commonwealth to avoid the politically costly reforms it must undertake if the island is to survive as a viable economic entity.

Both the tax code and the welfare state must be reformed to reward work and investment. Public schools need to provide education and not just jobs for potential voters. Utilities and other monopolies must be broken down or effectively regulated. This is what the island needs.

Unnecessary are cheerleaders or an Uncle Sam with deep pockets but a short attention span. If the U.S. government really wants to give us a hand, please do continue with the bailout, but demand reforms in return. Life in Puerto Rico is sweet at the top, now let’s work on the other 99.9%.

SourceMedia, Inc.

Tomado de www.bondbuyer.com

Se acabó la fiesta

Tomada de donlinscott.com

Tomada de donlinscott.com


Por Sergio M. Marxuach

“Esta columna se publicó originalmente el 31 de diciembre de 2013.  Sin embargo, creemos que es importante volverla a publicar hoy, después del mensaje de presupuesto del gobernador, ya que provee el contexto histórico de la crisis que estamos viviendo y sufriendo todos los puertorriqueños.   Las decisiones difíciles que tenemos que tomar hoy son la consecuencia directa de varias décadas de mala administración.  No surgen de la nada ni de un vacío.  Además, la situación ha empeorado desde diciembre: el crédito de Puerto Rico fue degradado a nivel especulativo en febrero, la deuda ha aumentado a mas de $72,000 millones, y la economía sigue en contracción. Todo esto significa que Puerto Rico enfrenta varios años más de decisiones difíciles antes de poder declarar que hemos superado nuestros problemas fiscales.”

Por mucho tiempo, a nadie le importó el precio de los bonos de Puerto Rico, ni las tasas de interés que pagaríamos, ni las comisiones que cobraban los banqueros, ni en qué se iba a gastar ese dinero, ni como lo íbamos a repagar. En verdad, nada le importaba a nadie mientras había dinero. La economía estaba creciendo, el dinero fluía, se estaba “haciendo obra”.  Por otro lado, los banqueros nos aseguraban que la “calle pedía papel”, como si estuvieran hablando de libras de pan.

La decadencia comenzó allá por la década de los setenta. En respuesta a la crisis global, aumentaron las transferencias federales, la nómina pública, y la deuda gubernamental.  Se consiguió la sección 936. Eso fue suficiente para revivir la economía por unos 25 años más y posponer reformas estructurales, dolorosas, difíciles de explicar.  Procedimos entonces a gastar millones en pabellones en Sevilla, en celebraciones del quinto centenario, en juegos centroamericanos en Ponce y Mayagüez, en campañas publicitarias, en contratos de asesores y consultores, en baile, botella y baraja, en faraónicas estaciones de tren, en acueductos, coliseos y natatorios de escala romana. READ MORE

Política fiscal y degradación del crédito de Puerto Rico

Presentación de Sergio M. Marxuach, director de Política Pública del Centro para una Nueva Economía, en la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad Católica de Ponce el 6 de marzo de 2014.

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